The Loyalists of America and Their Times Volume II Part 30
The true spirit of _the Loyalists of America_ was never exhibited with greater force and brilliancy than during the war of 1812-1815.
England was engaged in a death struggle for the independence of the continental nations of Europe and the rights of mankind. At the darkest hour of that eventful contest, when the continent was drenched with the blood of nations, and the Tyrant had his feet upon their neck, and England alone stood erect, taxing her resources to the utmost and shedding her best blood for human freedom, the Democratic party in the United States--the ever anti-British party--the pro-slavery party--the party in the United States least subordinate to law and most inimical to liberty--at such a crisis such a party declared war against Britain, and forthwith invaded Canada, before the declaration of war was known in England.
At that time the population of Lower Canada was 225,000 souls--200,000 of whom were French; the population of Upper Canada was 75,000; the population of the United States was upwards of 8,000,000: so that the population of the _two Canadas_ was to that of the United States as one to twenty-seven; and the population of _Upper Canada_ was to that of the United States as one to one hundred and six.
Yet the Canadas, with a frontier of more than 1,000 miles, and aided by a few regiments of regular soldiers, sent as a mere guard for the princ.i.p.al cities, from Halifax to Amherstburg, resisted the whole military power of the United States for two years, at the end of which not an inch of Canadian ground was in possession of the invaders; and within six months after England had given freedom and peace to Europe--chaining its Tyrant to the island rock of Elba, sweeping with its fleet the coasts of the United States, and sending 16,000 veteran soldiers to aid the struggling Canadas--the boasting Madison and his Government sued for peace, without even mentioning the original pretexts of war, which Great Britain generously granted.
It does not come within our purpose to write a history of this war; we present only such phases and events of it as will ill.u.s.trate the Loyalist spirit and courage of the Canadians, French as well as English, and even true Americans; for the American settlers in Canada were, with few exceptions, as loyal subjects and as bold defenders of their adopted country as the U.E. Loyalists themselves; and even the most virtuous and intelligent part of the citizens of the United States protested against the alliance of the Democratic rulers at Washington with the tyrant and scourge of Europe.
We shall notice, in the first place, the alleged and real causes of the war; secondly, the preparations for it made by the Governments and Legislatures of the two Canadas; thirdly, the invasions of each province, each year, separately, and the battles fought. There were no less than eleven invasions of the Canadas by the American armies during the three years of the war, besides naval engagements, and various incursions of marauding and plundering parties.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
ALLEGED AND REAL CAUSES OF THE WAR.
From the first--from the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States in 1783--there was a large party in the United States bitterly and actively hostile to England and its colonies; that party had persecuted and driven the Loyalists from the United States, and compelled them to seek homes in the Canadian wilderness, and had even followed them with its enmities in their new abodes; that party had sympathized with the revolutionists of France, who crimsoned the streets of Paris with the blood of their Sovereign and fellow-citizens, and who sent emissaries to Canada to subvert legal authority, and excite the strife of anarchy and bloodshed. The base of the operations of all the emissaries of French revolutionists in Canada was for twenty years the United States, aided directly and indirectly by American sympathizers; that same party sympathized and even leagued with Napoleon against England while she was defending the liberties of Europe and of mankind; it was the same party that in subsequent years aided the rebel Mackenzie and the rabble Fenians to invade Canada, allowing the United States to be the base of their organizations, and opening to them the American a.r.s.enals of arms and ammunition; it was the same party that, in conspiracy with the Tyrant of France and the enemy of human freedom, declared war against Great Britain in 1812, in order to wrest Canada from her possession, and make it an appendage of France and the United States.[176]
The American Government alleged two reasons as the ground of its declaration of war against Britain: the one was, that the British Government had issued Orders in Council which injured the American commerce with other countries; the other was, that the British Government had infringed the rights of the United States by authorizing the boarding of American vessels in search of deserters from the English army and navy, and seizing them.
As to the first of these reasons, namely, the English Orders in Council, the facts are as follow: "After the annihilation of the naval power of France at _Trafalgar_ in 1805, by Lord Nelson, the princ.i.p.al transactions of France at sea were the fitting out and arming of privateers to prey upon the English merchant vessels and commerce. To accomplish his purpose more effectually, Napoleon promulgated the following year after the destruction of his fleet what is called the Berlin Decree."[177]
"No nation was allowed to trade with any other country in any articles the growth, produce, or manufactures of any of the British dominions, all of which, as well as the island of Great Britain itself, were declared to be in a state of blockade. He appointed residents in every trading country, and no ship was to be admitted into any of his ports without a _certification of origin_; that is, of the nature of the goods they carried, and that no part of these was English. In consequence of these Decrees, the English commerce, during the months of August, September, and October, 1807--that part of the year in which the Berlin Decree of November, 1806, was carried into full effect--was not only greatly cramped, but lay prostrated on the ground, and motionless, before a protecting and self-defensive system was adopted by our Orders in Council."[178]
The British Orders in Council were dated January 7th, 1807, and were a measure of retaliation for the protection of British commerce in response to Napoleon's Berlin Decree of the 21st of November, 1806. By these Orders in Council, "all trade to France or her dependencies was strictly prohibited; all vessels, of whatever nation, which ventured to engage in this trade were declared liable to seizure, and France and her dependencies were thus reduced to that state of blockade with which she had vainly threatened the British islands. The Orders in Council admitted but of one exception to this general blockade of the French empire. The French had declared all vessels liable to seizure which had touched at a British port; the Orders in Council, to counteract this provision, declared, on the other hand, that only such ships as were in that situation should be permitted to sail for France. Thus did the utter extinction of the foreign trade of France result as a natural consequence of the very measures of her own Government; measures which no despotism, how ignorant soever, would have ventured to adopt, had it not trusted to a power which effectually silenced all popular opinion."[179]
As France was the aggressor upon the rights of neutrals by the Berlin Decree, and as the Orders in Council were a defensive retaliation upon France for her attempt to destroy English commerce, the American Government should have first remonstrated with France and demanded reparation; but this was not the case; the outcry of the Madison partizans was against England alone. It is true some grumbling words were uttered by some parties against the policy and acts of the French Government; but mere words to save appearances, not followed up by any acts; for by a collusion between Napoleon and Madison, it was understood that the Articles of the Berlin Decree were not intended to apply to ships of the United States--would not be executed against them--and were intended to destroy the commerce of Great Britain. An American writer (Lossing) remarks, "_With a partiality towards the Americans that was practical friendship_, the French cruisers did not, for a whole year, interfere with American vessels trading with Great Britain;" and Mr.
Alex. Baring, M.P. (afterwards Lord Ashburton), in his _Inquiry into the Causes and Consequences of the Orders in Council_, said that _"no condemnation of an American vessel had ever taken place under it"_.
By this collusion between the Tyrant of Europe and the President of the United States, the necessities of France were supplied, and the shipping interests of the United States largely promoted, at the expense of the commerce and shipping interests of England.
But the collusion, or conspiracy, between Napoleon and Madison were carried on to weaken the English navy by the desertion of its sailors, as well as to injure English commerce by connivance in behalf of American trading vessels. The seduction of deserters from the British navy, and even army, was carried on successfully on a large scale. The safety of England consisted chiefly in her navy, which she was increasing and strengthening by every possible means. Therefore every skilled sailor was of importance to England, while every practicable scheme was resorted to by her enemies to induce and facilitate the desertion of her seamen and soldiers--especially of her seamen, several thousands of whom were detected and seized on board of American vessels--const.i.tuting as they did the best sailors on board American merchant vessels, and the vital strength of the French privateers. To stop this depleting of her naval resources, England put in exercise her right of boarding vessels of neutral powers in search of deserters from her navy. The only neutral power in Europe was Sardinia; so that the United States was the only neutral power that had vessels upon the ocean; and the President of the United States was conniving against England with the usurper and oppressor of Europe.
The right of a belligerent power to search the vessels of neutral powers in search of deserters had never been denied, though the modification of its exercise had frequently been sought; but under the teachings of Napoleon, his American pupils now began to exclaim against it as an infringement of national dignity and rights. The English Government had directed the exercise of this right with the greatest caution and courtesy, and only in regard to vessels on board of which, from specific information, there was reason to believe there were English deserters.
These deserters, on getting smuggled on board of American vessels, would forthwith take the oath of allegiance to the United States, and be recognized and claimed as American citizens.[180]
An event now occurred which enabled President Madison to excite his partizans throughout the United States to a flame of indignation against England. Information had been received that there were English deserters on board the American ship _Chesapeake_; the British warship _Leopard_ sought their restoration, and on being refused fired into the _Chesapeake_, and recovered the four deserters claimed. The attendant circ.u.mstances being omitted, the simple fact announced by the President to Congress, that the English warship _Leopard_ had fired into the American ship _Chesapeake_, and in American waters, killing several persons, and had seized and carried off four American citizens, produced the excitement he was anxious to create against England, preparatory to the war on which he was then determined--in the zenith of Napoleon's success and power, and in the extremity of England's struggle for her own existence and the liberties of mankind. The statement of the American President as to the affair of the ships _Leopard_ and _Chesapeake_ has been repeated to this day by American historians, and is used in American school books to ill.u.s.trate England's arrogance and cruelty; whereas all the facts of the case prove directly the reverse.
We give the account of the affair from one American writer, who, though partial, was too honest to omit essential facts, much less to pervert them; we refer to Dr. Holmes, author of _American Annals_, and quote at length his account of the affair. He says:
"The frigate _Chesapeake_, being ordered to cruise in the Mediterranean Sea, under the command of Commodore Barron, sailing from Hampton Roads, was come up with by the British ship-of-war _Leopard_, one of a squadron then at anchor within the limits of the United States. An officer was sent from the _Leopard_ to the _Chesapeake_ with a note from the captain respecting some deserters from his Britannic Majesty's ships, supposed to be serving as part of the crew of the _Chesapeake_ and enclosing a copy of an order from Vice-Admiral Berkeley requiring and directing the commanders of ships and vessels under his command, in case of meeting with the American frigate at sea, and without the limits of the United States, to show the order to her captain, and to require to search his ship for the deserters from certain ships therein named, and to proceed and search for them; and if a similar demand should be made by the American, he was permitted to search for deserters from their service, according to the custom and usage of civilized nations on terms of amity with each other. Commodore Barron gave an answer that he knew of no such men as were described; that the recruiting officers for the _Chesapeake_ had been particularly instructed by the Government, through him, not to enter any deserters from his Britannic Majesty's ships; that he knew of none such being in her; that he was instructed never to permit the crew of any ship under his command to be mustered by any officers but her own; that he was disposed to preserve harmony, and hoped his answer would prove satisfactory. The _Leopard_, shortly after this answer was received by her commander, ranged alongside of the _Chesapeake_, and commenced a heavy fire upon her. The _Chesapeake_, unprepared for action, made no resistance, but remained under the fire of the _Leopard_ from twenty to thirty minutes; when, having suffered much damage, and lost three men killed and eighteen wounded, Commodore Barron ordered his colours to be struck, and sent a lieutenant on board the _Leopard_ to inform her commander that he considered the _Chesapeake_ her prize. The commander of the _Leopard_ sent an officer on board, who took possession of the _Chesapeake_, mustered her crew, and, carrying off four of her men, abandoned the ship. Commodore Barron, after a communication, by writing, with the commander of the _Leopard_, finding that the _Chesapeake_ was very much injured, returned, with the advice of his officers, to Hampton Roads." (American State Papers, 1806-08.)
"On receiving information of this outrage, the President, by proclamation, interdicted the harbours and waters of the United States to all armed British vessels, forbade all intercourse with them, and ordered a sufficient force for the protection of Norfolk, and such other preparations as the occasion appeared to require. An armed vessel of the United States was dispatched with instructions to the American Minister at London to call on the British Government for the satisfaction and security which the outrage required." (American State Papers, 1806-08, pp. 183, 184, 248-252.)[181]
Such is the American State Paper account of this affair, published some years afterwards; and from this it will be seen that what was asked by the captain of the _Leopard_ was what had been granted by all neutral nations to belligerents--to seek for and take their own deserters on board of neutral vessels, in order to prevent neutrals from being, or suspected of being, in collusion with either belligerent party. The American Government being in sympathy with the French Government during the whole of its twenty years' war with England, sought to change and evade this. .h.i.therto undisputed usage of mutually friendly nations in regard to belligerents. The _Chesapeake_ seems to have been selected to make up a cause of war with Great Britain, by the warlike proceedings of the President before communicating with the British Government on the subject. The American people had nothing but a complete perversion of the facts of the case until years afterwards.
It is plain from the true version of the affair that the captain of the _Leopard_ acted courteously and fairly, though in excess of the authority granted by the British Government; that he offered the same facilities to the captain of the _Chesapeake_, in regard to examination for deserters, that he asked himself; that the commander of the _Chesapeake_ stated what he knew to be untrue when he a.s.serted that there were no deserters on board the _Chesapeake_, which he knew would be detected on examination of his crew.
In all the American accounts and discussions on the question, they ignore the usage or customary law of civilized nations as to neutral or mutually friendly nations in respect to belligerent powers, and are silent as to France and England being at war with each other, and that in encouraging desertions from the English ships, and then claiming them as American citizens, they were playing into the hands of Bonaparte against England.
It appears that President Madison, without awaiting or asking satisfaction or explanation on this affair of the _Leopard_ and _Chesapeake_, forthwith prohibited the anchoring of British war ships in American waters, and then sent a special messenger and communication to the American Minister in London to demand satisfaction of the British Government for the alleged "outrage" upon the _Chesapeake_. But did the British Government show the pa.s.sion and violence of the President of the United States? Let the American author above quoted be our witness again on this point. Dr. Holmes says:
"Reparation was made by the British for the attack on the _Chesapeake_.
Augustus J. Foster, the British envoy, informed the Secretary of the United States that he was instructed to repeat to the American Government the prompt disavowal made by his Majesty, on being apprised of the unauthorized act of the officer in command of his naval forces on the coast of America, whose recall from a highly important and honourable command immediately ensued, as a mark of his Majesty's disapprobation; that he was authorized to offer, in addition to that disavowal on the part of his Majesty, to order the immediate restoration, as far as circ.u.mstances would admit, of the men who [though deserters], in consequence of Admiral Berkeley's orders, were forcibly taken out of the _Chesapeake_, to the vessel from which they were taken; or, if that ship were no longer in commission, to such seaport of the United States as the American Government may name for the purpose; and that he was authorized to offer to the American Government a suitable pecuniary provision for the sufferers in consequence of the attack on the _Chesapeake_, including the families of those seamen who fell in the action, and of the wounded survivors. The President acceded to these propositions; and the officer commanding the _Chesapeake_, then lying in the harbour of Boston, was instructed to receive the men, who were to be restored to that ship."--_Ib._, p. 443.
It might be supposed that such a spontaneous, courteous, and just proceeding on the part of England would have satisfied even the bellicose President Madison; but he was bent on joining the Tyrant of Europe in war against England; the American public were kept in ignorance of the instigating circ.u.mstances, and the just and generous conduct of the British Government in regard to the affair of the _Leopard_ and the _Chesapeake_, and availed himself of every occurrence or incident to excite and increase the war feeling in the United States against England.
An incident soon occurred answerable to President Madison's purpose. A renegade by the name of _Henry_, who had in youth emigrated from Ireland, and who had, by the interest of friends, got appointed captain of militia; but not succeeding in the United States to the extent of his ambition, emigrated to Montreal, where, by some talents and address, and professed love of British inst.i.tutions, he ingratiated himself in the good graces of the princ.i.p.al persons at Montreal, and commenced his studies at law there, with a view of qualifying himself for a seat on the judicial bench of _Upper Canada_, to which he was vain and ambitious enough to aspire. He at length got access to the Governor-General, Sir James Craig, into whose confidence he so wormed himself as to obtain a letter of recognition and recommendation to visit Ma.s.sachusetts and other eastern States to ascertain and report upon the state of feeling there in regard to the sympathy of those States with England in case of war with England; but neither the British Government nor even Sir James Craig's Canadian Executive Council had the slightest knowledge of this confidential epistolary intrigue between his Excellency and the renegade American militia captain, who professed to be familiar with the politics and parties of the New England States, where there was vehement opposition to the democratic and war government of President Madison, and supposed to cherish a strong leaning to England. While this unprincipled "Captain Henry" was sauntering in the public-houses and brothels of Boston, he wrote from time to time letters to Sir James Craig and other princ.i.p.al persons in Quebec; but the Governor and others who received his ostentatious and pretentious letters--though amused by them--derived no more information from his epistles than from the public newspapers of the day. Henry, however, estimated his own worthless services of the greatest importance; and failing to get from Sir James Craig the amount of his demands, he appealed for compensation to the Government in England. He addressed a memorial to the Earl of Liverpool, Princ.i.p.al Secretary of State for the Colonies, stating his services, and suggesting that the appointment of Judge Advocate General of Lower Canada, with the salary of 500 per annum, or a consulate in the United States, _sine cura_, would be considered by him as a fair discharge of the obligation of the Government to him for his services. Lord Liverpool was not disposed to prost.i.tute such favours upon a mercenary and intriguing vagrant, and referred him to the Government of Lower Canada, then in charge of Sir George Prevost, who had succeeded Sir James Craig.
Henry knew the little estimate that was placed upon his services in Canada; he therefore betook himself back to the United States, and offered his traitorous letters to the American Government for $50,000, which he obtained, paid out of the United States Secret Service Fund.[182] President Madison, instead of laying the correspondence before the British Government for explanation and satisfaction, communicated it to Congress, as a discovery and ill.u.s.tration of a conspiracy by the British Government to subvert the Const.i.tution and Government of the United States, and by his message inflamed the Congress to the highest pitch of excitement, in the climax of which he got a vote in favour of a declaration of war against Great Britain. The President, in his message to Congress, referring to the Henry doc.u.ments said: "They prove that at a recent period, while the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sustained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of neutrality towards Great Britain, and in the midst of amicable professions and negotiations on the part of the British Government through its public Minister here [Mr. Erskine], a _secret agent of that Government_ was employed in certain States--more especially at the seat of government in Ma.s.sachusetts--in fomenting disaffection to the const.i.tuted authorities of the nation, and in intrigues with the disaffected, for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroying the Union, and forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with England."
Two days before the transmission of President Madison's message of accusation against England, the British Minister at Washington declared in the public prints his entire ignorance of any transaction of the kind, and asked the United States Government to consider the character of the individual who had made these disclosures,[183] and to "suspend any further judgment on its merits until the circ.u.mstances shall have been made known to his Majesty's Government." But such fairness to England did not answer President Madison's purpose to get himself re-elected President, by exciting hostility and declaring war against England.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 176: "The war party in the United States was not very strong, numerically speaking, and it was not composed of the most respectable portions of the community; but what it lacked in these two requisites it made up in loud and demonstrative clamour, and the more serious-minded and important portions of the people were being forced, against their better judgment, into a position hostile to Great Britain, by the continued cry of a few demagogues, who were more anxious to give vent to their old feeling of spite against Great Britain than to consult the best interests of their country." (Tuttle's History of the Dominion of Canada, Chap. lxxii., p. 349.)]
[Footnote 177: This Decree is dated "Imperial Camp, Berlin, November 21st, 1806." Its princ.i.p.al Articles are as follow:
"Art. 1. The British islands are in a state of blockade.
"Art. 2. _All commerce and correspondence with them is prohibited_; consequently, all letters or packets written _in_ England, or _to_ an Englishman, _written in the English language_, shall not be dispatched from the post-offices, and shall be seized.
"Art. 3. Every individual, a subject of Great Britain, of whatever rank or condition, who is found in countries occupied by our troops or those of our allies, shall be made prisoner of war.
"Art. 4. Every warehouse, all merchandise or property whatsoever, belonging to an Englishman, are declared G.o.d-prize.
"Art. 6. No vessel coming directly from England or her colonies, or having been there since the publication of this Decree, shall be admitted into any port.
"Art. 7. Every vessel that by a false declaration contravenes the foregoing disposition, shall be seized, and the ship and cargo confiscated as English property.
"Art. 10. Our Ministers of Foreign Relations, etc., are charged with the execution of the present Decree."]
[Footnote 178: British Annual Register, 1807, Vol. XLII., Chap, xii., p.
227.]
[Footnote 179: Thompson's History of the War of 1812, between Great Britain and the United States, Chap. III., pp. 23, 24.]
[Footnote 180: The justice of the proceedings and demands of the British Government, the fairness of its proposals, and the injustice and unreasonableness of the conduct of the Madison U.S. Government, are forcibly presented in the following preamble to resolutions adopted by the Legislature of the State of Ma.s.sachusetts, as late as the 5th of February, 1813:
"Whereas the President, in his message to Congress, has made known to the people of the United States that the British Orders in Council have been repealed 'in such manner as to be capable of explanations meeting the views of the Government' of the United States; and therefore none of the alleged causes of war with Great Britain now remain except the claim of the right to take British subjects from the merchant ships of the United States:
"And whereas, during the administration of General Washington and President Adams, this claim of Great Britain was not considered a reasonable cause of war; and under the administration of President Jefferson, the Government of Great Britain did offer to make an arrangement with the United States, which in the opinion of Messrs.
Montrose and Pinkey, their Ministers, placed this subject on a ground that was both honourable and advantageous to the United States, and highly favourable to their interests, and was, at the same time, a concession which had never before been made; and it is highly probable that the Government of Great Britain would still be willing to make an arrangement on this subject which should be alike honourable and advantageous to the United States:
"And whereas, under the administration of President Madison, when the arrangement of matters in controversy between the United States and Great Britain was made with his Britannic Majesty's Minister, David Montague Erskine, Esq., the impressment of seamen was not considered of sufficient importance to make it a condition of that arrangement:
"And whereas _the European powers, as well as the United States, recognize the principle that their subjects have no right to expatriate themselves, and that the nation has a right to the services of all its citizens, especially in time of war; and none of those powers respect the neutralization laws of others so far as to admit their operation in contravention of that principle--and it is manifestly unjust for a neutral power to make war upon one nation in order to compel it to relinquish a principle which is maintained by the others, etc_."]