The Loyalists of America and Their Times Volume II Part 28

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The Loyalists of America and Their Times



The Loyalists of America and Their Times Volume II Part 28


"The length of your residence in the province; the advantages derived to our society from the example of private virtues shown by yourself and your family; your lordship's uniform prudent and paternal attention, under every change of time and circ.u.mstance, to the true interests of his Majesty's subjects entrusted to your immediate care, and that grat.i.tude which we feel (and must be permitted to repeat), excite in our minds the warmest sentiments of personal attachment, of which allow us to tender you the strongest a.s.surance.

"Under these impressions, we view your lordship's intended departure with the deepest regret; and submitting to your determination to leave us with unfeigned reluctance, we entreat you to accept our most sincere wishes for the future prosperity of yourself and all your family."

In the Montreal address we have the following expressions of sentiment and feelings:

"The inhabitants of Montreal, penetrated with grat.i.tude for the happiness enjoyed by them under your lordship's administration of the government of this province during a great number of years, embrace the present opportunity of your intended departure for Great Britain to entreat you to receive their humble acknowledgments and accept their most sincere wishes for your health and prosperity, and for that of all your family.

"The prudence and moderation which distinguished your conduct in the province a.s.sured internal peace and tranquillity, and in reflecting infinite honour on your lordship, have fully justified the confidence reposed in you by our august Sovereign, and a.s.sured to you the affections of the inhabitants."

The grateful and affectionate answers of Lord Dorchester to both addresses may be easily conceived. The comparatively happy state of things indicated by these addresses continued, with interruptions, for about ten years after Lord Dorchester's departure.

Lord Dorchester was succeeded by General Prescott, who became lieutenant-governor, until he was relieved the 31st of July, 1799, by the appointment of Sir Robert S. Milnes, who acted as lieutenant-governor of the province during the ensuing six years, when the senior Executive Councillor, Thomas Dunn, succeeded to the administration of the government for two years, until the appointment, in 1807, of Sir James Craig as lieutenant-governor and commander-in-chief, under whose administration the reign of discord and strife of race became predominant, with the natural results which in long years afterwards ensued. These matters, however, do not come within the province of my history of the Loyalists of America.

But it is to be observed that though the French had much to complain of, having scarcely any representation in the Legislative Council, none in the Executive, and none in the Provincial Board of Education, called the "Royal Inst.i.tution," which had the care of education in the province,[169] and therefore had to depend alone upon their own elected representatives in the House of a.s.sembly for the protection of their rights and feelings; yet they evinced a loyalty through all these years, and through the war of 1812-1815, not excelled by the British inhabitants of Lower Canada, or of any other colony, notwithstanding the efforts of French and American emissaries to create disaffection in the province. A remarkable ill.u.s.tration of the loyalty of the French in Lower Canada occurred in 1805: "The horrors of the French revolution had pa.s.sed by, but Great Britain and France were still engaged in a desperate war. By land, on the continent of Europe, the French, under Napoleon I., were everywhere victorious against the countries in alliance with Great Britain. But England by sea was more than a match for France; and on October 21st, 1805, won the battle of _Trafalgar_, by which the French naval power was destroyed. The news of this victory reached Canada early in January, 1806. The Canadians of French origin immediately showed that they felt less sympathy for their own race, and less pride in its military prowess, than gratification at the naval success of the empire of which they formed a part. They indulged in patriotic songs, and testified their interest by illuminations and other modes of rejoicing."[170]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 151: Bancroft, Vol. VII., Chap. xiv., pp. 157, 158.]

[Footnote 152: "The excitement in England and Canada on the pa.s.sage of the Act was, however, only a breeze compared to the storm of indignation which it raised in the thirteen other provinces when the news reached them; and there is no doubt but that the pa.s.sage of this Act was 'the last drop' which overflowed the cup of colonial patience, and led directly to the Declaration of Independence." (Tuttle's History of the Dominion of Canada, Chap, lix., pp. 295, 296.)]

[Footnote 153: "The provisions of the Quebec Act dissatisfied all parties when they came to be executed. The French majority, being represented by less than one-fourth of the number of members in the Council, thought themselves but little better off than when a purely military government. The English party considered themselves injured because the trial by jury, in civil cases, had been taken away. The absence of a representative form of government, and of the privileges of the _Habeas Corpus_ Act, made them feel that they were denied the rights of British subjects.

"n.o.body being satisfied, and the Governor (Sir Frederick Haldimand, whose governorship lasted from 1778 to 1785) being very arbitrary, discontent reigned in the provinces. There were loud complaints, not only of the Governor's tyranny, but also that justice was not fairly administered by the judges in the course of law.

"Many persons, on slight grounds, were thrown into prisons, were sent to England, and at length, 1785, the unpopular Governor demanded his own recall.

"The English Government saw that steps must be taken to put an end to the general discontent. But this could not be done without making such changes as might satisfy the increasing English and Protestant population as well as the French and Roman Catholics. Nor could such changes be made on the instant, or without due preparation. Accordingly, in the first instance, _trial by jury_ in civil cases, and the law of _habeas corpus_, was introduced into the province (in 1788). Next it was determined to procure further and more perfectly reliable information about all its internal affairs, and find out, it possible, the best modes of removing the causes of complaint.

"Lastly, as a proof of the desire to deal impartially with the King's Canadian subjects, it was decided to send out, as governor, one who had rendered himself acceptable to all cla.s.ses. This was no other than the popular Sir Guy Carleton, who had been made a peer with the t.i.tle of _Lord Dorchester_, who reached Quebec in October, 1786. During the succeeding five years, until 1791, when he again departed (for a short time) to England, the Governor did all in his power to mitigate the bad feelings growing out of the differences of race, creed and language. In order to procure for the English Ministers the information they needed about the internal affairs of the province, he appointed Committees of Inquiry to inquire into all particulars relating to _commerce, education, justice_, the _militia_, and the _tenure_ of _lands_; to make full reports upon these; to suggest changes and improvements by which existing evils might be remedied." (Dr. Miles' School History of Canada, Chap. v., pp. 181, 182.)

See also Tuttle's History of the Dominion of Canada, Chap. v., p. 322.]

[Footnote 154: It was the discussion on this Bill which produced the first separation between Fox and Burke. The mind of Burke was excited to the highest degree by the principles and horrors of the French revolution, and he had frequently denounced it with the full force of his lofty eloquence; while Fox had repeatedly expressed his admiration of the French revolution. When the Canada Bill was discussed in the House of Commons, Burke commenced his speech by a philippic against the republican principles of the revolutionary Government of France; and concluded by declaring that if by adhering to the British Const.i.tution would cause his friends to desert him, he would risk all, and, as his public duty taught him, exclaim in his last words, "Fly from the French Const.i.tution!" Fox said in a low voice, "There is no loss of friendship, I hope." "Yes," retorted Burke, "there is a loss of friendship. I know the price of my conduct. Our friendship is at an end." Such a scene followed as had seldom, if ever, been witnessed in the House of Commons.

Members were veritably affected by such an open rupture between those two celebrated statesmen and orators. Fox shed tears; and it was some time before he could sufficiently command his emotions to reply.]

[Footnote 155: This was an under-estimate of the population of both provinces. Later and reliable authorities estimate the population of Lower Canada in 1791 at 150,000, of whom about 15,000 were British; in 1763 the population of Lower Canada was estimated at 65,000; the population had therefore more than doubled during the twenty-seven years of English rule. Before 1782, the English-speaking Protestant inhabitants were very insignificant in number; but after 1782 they increased rapidly, and are estimated at upwards of 15,000, and by some writers as high as 30,000 in the year 1791. The great majority of them, besides, were of cla.s.ses of people accustomed to think for themselves, also officers and disbanded soldiers belonging to the army, and emigrants from the British Isles, who came to make homes for their families in Canada. (Miles' School History of Canada, Part II., Chap.

v., pp. 183, 184.)

It is stated on the best authorities that 10,000 Loyalist emigrants arrived in what was afterwards designated Upper Canada, during the year 1783; in 1791 the population of Upper Canada is stated to have been 12,000.]

[Footnote 156: "In June, 1786, Sir Guy Carleton, now raised to the peerage as Lord Dorchester, was appointed Governor-General of all the provinces, and Commander-in-Chief of all the forces in British America.

He arrived at Quebec on the 23rd of October, and was joyfully received by all cla.s.ses, but especially by the Canadians, with whom he was a great favourite on account of the mildness and justice with which he had treated them during his former administrations. At the same time there also arrived a new Chief Justice for Quebec, Mr. Smith, who had been Attorney-General for New York, but had been forced to leave on account of his loyalty to the British Crown." (Tuttle's History of the Dominion of Canada, Chap. lxv., p. 321.)]

[Footnote 157: "The elections came off during June, and the people exercised their new privilege with prudence and judgment, returning good men; and although the elections were warmly contested in some places, everything pa.s.sed off quietly. There were fifteen English-speaking members elected, amongst whom were some of the leading merchants, such as James McGill, Joseph Frobisher, John Richardson and others, whose descendants are still amongst our leading citizens. Amongst the French elected were many of the most prominent seignors, such as Louis De Salaberry, M.H. De Rouville, Philip Rocheblave, M.E.G.C. De Lotbiniere, M. La Vatrice and others. Altogether, it is generally claimed that the first a.s.sembly of Lower Canada was the best the province ever had."

(Tuttle's History of the Dominion of Canada, Chap. lxviii., p. 330.)]

[Footnote 158: The French-speaking members nominated Mr. J.A. Parret (Panet), a leading advocate of Quebec; and the English party nominated successively Mr. James McGill, one of the most prominent merchants of Montreal, and William Grant, of Quebec. The feeling was strong on each side to have in the Speaker a gentleman of their own language; but Mr.

Parret (Panet) was ultimately chosen by a large majority, to some extent because _he understood and spoke both languages fluently_. This gentleman occupied the position of Speaker for upwards of twenty years, and fully justified the wisdom of the first a.s.sembly in electing him.--_Ib._, p. 330.

It is singular that in some histories of Canada it should have been stated that the Speaker elected by the first House of a.s.sembly could speak no other tongue than the French language. Mr. Archer, in his History of Canada for the Use of Schools, says: "By a vote of twenty eight to eighteen, M. Panet, _who could speak no language but his native French_, was chosen" (p. 269). Mr. Withrow, in his excellent History of Canada, says: "Mr. Panet, a distinguished advocate, _who spoke no language but his native French_, was elected Speaker of the a.s.sembly"

(p. 291). The very discussion which took place on the election of Speaker turned chiefly on the point whether a Speaker should be elected who could speak one or both languages. Mr. P.L. Panet, brother to Mr.

J.A. Panet, who was elected Speaker, in reply to some of his own countrymen who advocated the exclusive use of the French language, while he advocated the ultimate use of the English language alone in the Legislature and in the courts of law, commenced and concluded his speech in the following words: "I will explain my mind on the necessity that the Speaker we are about to choose _should possess and speak equally well the two languages_."--"I think it is but decent that the Speaker on whom we may fix our choice be one who can express himself in English when he addresses himself to the representative of our Sovereign."

(Christie's History of Canada, Vol. I., Chap. iv., pp. 127, 128, in a note.) Mr. Christie, after stating in the text about "J.A. Panet, Esq., an old and eminent advocate of the Quebec bar, returned a member for the Upper Town of Quebec, was chosen by the a.s.sembly for its Speaker,"

remarks, in a note, before giving the speech of Mr. P.L. Panet quoted above, that "this excellent man and good citizen (J.A. Panet) served, as we shall see in proceeding, many years as Speaker, and without other remuneration or reward than the approbation of his fellow-citizens and subjects." (Tuttle's History of the Dominion of Canada, Chap. lxvii., p.

127.)]

[Footnote 159: The transmission of this letter occupied _ten weeks_, it being dated the 9th of February, and reaching Quebec the 25th of April.

In the _Quebec Gazette_ of the 10th of November, 1792, it is stated that the latest news from Philadelphia and New York was to the 8th of October, giving accounts of a battle on the Wabash and Arguille rivers, between an expedition of American forces under General Wilkinson and a body of Indians, in which the latter were routed. In a notice from the "General Post Office, Quebec, 17th of November, 1791," information is given that "a mail for England will be closed at this office on Monday, the 5th of December next, at four o'clock p.m., to be forwarded by way of New York, in H.M. packet-boat which will sail from thence in January." (Christie's History of Canada, Vol. I., Chap. iv., p. 142.)]

[Footnote 160: "Thus ended the first session of the first Parliament of Lower Canada, and as a whole we may say that the session was a satisfactory one. The demons of party spirit and of national prejudice had indeed shown themselves; but only enough to show that they were in existence, and would become potent agents of discord as the heat of political contest warmed them into life. The war of races, which had been going on between the French and English on this continent for over a century and a half, was not ended by the capitulation and cession of Canada; only the scene of action was changed from the battle field to the council chamber, and words and ballots took the place of swords and bullets. The French Canadians showed at the very commencement of const.i.tutional government that they considered the French language, the French people, the French laws, and the French religion, the language, people, laws, and religion of Canada, and that the English were only interlopers who had no business there, and with whom they were to affiliate as little as possible." (Tuttle's History of the Dominion of Canada, Chap. lxviii., p. 332.)

With the exception of the first sentence, we have no sympathy with the spirit or sentiment of the above quoted pa.s.sage. The addresses to the Governor and the King show that the French did not regard the British as intruders, but as the legitimate rulers of the country, to whom they expressed all possible respect and loyalty. All that they asked on the question of language was, that in legislative and judicial proceedings the French language might be equally used with the English language; and was this unreasonable on the part of those who then comprised nine-tenths of the population, and whose laws and exercise of worship had been guaranteed by the articles of capitulation and the Quebec Act of 1774?]

[Footnote 161: "The Provincial Parliament met again at Quebec on the 11th of November, 1793, and was opened by Lord Dorchester, who had arrived at Quebec from England on the 24th of September, and re-a.s.sumed the government; his Excellency Major-General Clarke returning to England, bearing with him the best wishes of those whose Const.i.tution he had fairly started, and put in operation to their satisfaction. His government had been popular, and he received several flattering addresses at departing.

"Lord Dorchester's return was cordially welcomed, a general illumination taking place at Quebec the evening of his arrival." (Christie's History of Canada, Chap. v., p. 145.)

"The great French revolution, causing France such awful scenes of distress and bloodshed as the world had never seen before, was in progress. It made the Canadians feel that their transfer to the Crown of England now saved them from innumerable evils which would have been their lot had Canada been again restored to France.

"Lord Dorchester's popularity and personal influence were made useful in preventing the people of the provinces from being misled by seditious persons who came from France on purpose to tamper with them." (Miles'

School History of Canada, Part Third, Chap. i., p. 190.)

"All Europe was engaged in war, and the emissaries of the French republic were busily at work trying to gain sympathy in the United States, and stir up that country to war with England--an effort which would probably have succeeded had it not been for the firmness of Washington. The consul for France in the United States was also endeavouring to spread republican ideas in Canada, to incite the people to revolt against British authority, and to declare themselves in favour of the republic. It was no wonder then that the great bulk of the law-abiding and peace-loving citizens of Canada welcomed Lord Dorchester with delight--one who had for so many years been a.s.sociated in their recollections with peace and prosperity, and who had successfully resisted the attack of the only foe who had a.s.sailed Quebec during his many administrations." (Tuttle, Chap. lxviii., p. 333.)]

[Footnote 162: It appears by a proclamation of Lord Dorchester, dated the 26th of November, a fortnight after the commencement of the session of the Legislature, that there were emissaries of France and others in the province, who were busy in propagating among the inhabitants the revolutionary principles of the infidel and b.l.o.o.d.y rulers of France. He says: "Whereas divers evil-disposed persons had lately manifested seditious and wicked attempts to alienate the affections of his Majesty's loyal subjects by false representations of the cause and conduct of the persons at present exercising supreme authority in France, and particularly certain foreigners, being alien enemies, who are lurking and lie concealed in various parts of this province, _acting in concert with persons in foreign dominions_ (evidently alluding to parties in the United States), with a view to forward the criminal purposes of such persons, enemies of the peace and happiness of the inhabitants of this province, and of all religion, government, and order." His Excellency therefore called upon all magistrates, captains of militia, peace-officers, and others of his Majesty's good subjects throughout the province, to be vigilant, and to do their utmost to discover and secure all and every person who might hold seditious discourses, or utter treasonable words, spread false news, publish or distribute libellous papers, written or printed, tending to excite discontent or lessen the affections of his Majesty's subjects, or in any manner to disturb the peace and happiness under his Majesty's government in this colony, etc.]

[Footnote 163: "The prince, shortly after this, receiving notice of his promotion to the rank of major-general, and appointment to a command in the West Indies, was presented, previous to his departure from Quebec, with several congratulatory letters of a most gratifying character. The Legislative Council, the Roman Catholic clergy, the citizens of Quebec, and the burgesses of William Henry paid his Royal Highness spontaneous respects in this manner, to whom he responded feelingly and affectionately, for the spontaneous proofs of esteem which in parting they gave him; and which in truth were not the effusions of adulation, but an homage of a grateful people to the intrinsic virtues and the social and manly character of a son of, as he was truly called, 'the best of sovereigns.'" (Christie's History of Canada, Vol I., Chap. v., p. 140.)]

[Footnote 164: The account transmitted was under six heads:

1. "The casual and territorial revenue established prior to the conquest, which his Majesty has been most graciously pleased to order to be applied towards defraying the civil expenses of the province."

2. "The duties payable to his Majesty under the Act of the 14th of his reign, chap. 88 (the 'Quebec Act'), on articles imported into the province of Quebec, and on licenses to persons for retailing spirituous liquors."

3. "The duties imposed by the Provincial Legislature, with the appropriation and balance."

4. "Amount of cash received from fines and forfeitures imposed by the courts of justice."

5. "The naval officers' returns inwards since the division of the province, which were originally intended as a check on the customs, but seem not to answer the end imposed."

6. "A statement of the monies taken out of the pocket of the subject on this account; its progress and diminution before it lodges in the public coffers, with the after diminution on account of the collection, that every circ.u.mstance of this important business may be constantly before their eyes; that in the outset of the Const.i.tution, and its progress, they may guard this important branch from those corruptions and abuses which have brought so many miseries on other nations."]

[Footnote 165: Christie's History of Canada, Vol. I., Chap. v., where the accounts referred to are given in detail.]

[Footnote 166: This return contained all the accounts transmitted the year before, under the six heads mentioned in a previous note, page 298, (Footnote 164: above) and other accounts under fourteen additional heads, the eighth of which is as follows:

"No. 8. Estimate of such part of the civil expenditure for the ensuing year as may enable the House of a.s.sembly to calculate the ways and means for the most necessary supplies; all the pensions, amounting to 1,782 6s. 6d. sterling, though chiefly granted for services rendered in Canada, are deducted, these services being considered as rendered to the empire at large; it is from thence, therefore, their rewards, with other acts of benevolence, may be expected to flow. The salaries of sundry officers, to the amount of 782 10s., appearing to belong to the military rather than the civil expenditure, are also deducted."]






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